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 Breaking News:The Big Interview:Former GPU Assistant SG Alieu Badara Sowe Speaks!
Breaking News:The Big Interview:Former GPU Assistant SG Alieu Badara Sowe Speaks!
   "I was hinted by the Deputy Editor, Sheriff Bojang of arrangements to sell the paper."Says Sowe as he shed light on the sale of the Observer
                   
       ....."The Managing Director terminated my services with a letter stating that it was “in the interest of both parties.”
  

          By Freedom's Pa Nderry M'Bai


"
I was left with no choice.  When Amadou Samba took over the Observer, there was occasional interference with the editorial policy of the paper.  It was a choice of giving them an easy ride by walking away or stay-put and fight to maintain the integrity of the paper.  But the new owner/s would have none of it.  When I was assigned to cover the transition to democracy in Guinea Bissau and the subsequent elections, I was informed that The Gambia's consular officer in Bissau was to take care of my accommodation.  I did wonder why but then again I thought it was for my own security as the political situation was very volatile. The Observer management also made it clear to me that they had an interest in the outcome of the elections.  All indications were that they wanted me to act as a propagander tool for the incumbent Malam Bacai Sagnia.  However, many a Gambian have only heard about General Ansumana Manneh not realising that almost all the Generals surrounding Manneh are Gambians, hailed from Jaara, Niani and the Kombos.  The people of Guinea Bissau were getting disillusioned by the fact that the administration of the affairs of their country was in the hands of foreigners.  Though the military in Guinea Bissau is very professional and disciplined and kept away from the elections, which they left the civilians to deal with, there were serious misgivings within the army dominated by the major tribe, the Balantas.  On the other side, the establishment in The Gambia was supporting the incumbent who was elevated to power by the military.  President Jammeh was bankrolling his tribesman, Malam Bacai and also provided support in the form of uniforms and equipment to the Bissau army.  The Senegalese were uncomfortable with having a Jola President in Gambia, one in Guinea Bissau and Cassamance in between.  So it was a very chaotic situation.  I was chauffeured to Bissau in a Gambian diplomatic vehicle with the Gambian Consular Officer.  On arrival I stayed at the residence built for the purposes of the consular officer and his family to reside.  The consular officer was residing at a private residence.  So I was staying with a member of staff of the consulate at the official Consular residence.  However, I disregarded every advice I was given in connection with my pattern of reporting.  I thought I owed it to the people of Guinea Bissau, who were living in abject poverty, to report the truth and their will to the outside world.  I don't think the Observer management and the establishment were very happy about this." These were words of the former Gambia Press Union Assistant Secretary General Alieu Badara Sowe. Mr.Sowe was speaking in an interview with the Freedom Newspaper's Pa Nderry M'Bai. He commented on a wide range of issues. Please read on..........

..........................
FREEDOM: 
What can you tell us about the current political situation in The Gambia?

A B S:  I think there needs to be a total overhaul of the political system in The Gambia and replace it with one that suits Gambians, one that will ensure that we are on the road to embracing genuine democracy as in the rest of the civilised world.  Going by the outcome of the last presidential and legislative elections, one is inclined to believe that the electorate did not just demonstrate their lack of faith in the politicians but they appeared angry at the disorganised and unfocussed opposition – The voter turnout says it all.  It is a shame that the opposition in The Gambia, with the exception of a few, have no intention and are not interested in getting into government as that goes with responsibility.  They appear to be pleased with staying-on in opposition for the financial and other benefits of being in opposition.  What The Gambia needs is a new breed of politicians who will have to work very hard to bring back credibility into Gambian politics.

FREEDOM:  Is President Jammeh succeeding or failing as a leader?

A B S:  It all depends on how you gauge success and failure.  What is clear is that he has and continue to provide Gambians with basic necessities they have for decades longed for.  However, the problem is his lack of accountability and his tactics of ruling by fear.  But as he grows older and wiser, I suppose when he reflects on the likes of Saddam Hussein, he will realise that no one is indispensable.  I belief his success or failure depends on him either continuing to belief in super natural powers or live and rule in line with the realities of modern thinking.

FREEDOM:  How did you react to President Jammeh's claim that he can cure HIV/AIDS?

A B S: With shock and disbelief at first thought but on second thought I said to myself, well if he can do it then perhaps that will be a better profession for him and we can then allow him to retire gracefully.  Unless he wants to stay on as the spiritual leader of The Gambia! Some billions of dollars is being spent on trying to tackle this disease so if he can solve it that is a highly welcome gesture from the Almighty. I know he is very good at pulling daft stunts but I still can't get my head round this one.  It will be interesting to see how he gets himself out of it – Perhaps we will see him order the arrest of the unknown person or  spirit that gave him the mandate.  The danger, which is more of concern to me, is the common belief in witch-doctors within African society.  Following the announcement floods of HIV / AIDS patients from the sub region and beyond could undoubtedly be heading for The Gambia.  The repercussions of such an occurrence will be disastrous.  If it turns out that he possesses the miraculous powers he claims to possess then perhaps it is a sign that Gambians will soon relief him of his duties so that he can start his mission - treating untreatable diseases around the world.  However, since no one is yet to officially refute his claim, it is a wait-and-see situation.

FREEDOM:  In your view is President Jammeh mentally stable?

A B S:  Well I'll give him the benefit of the doubt on the basis of presumption of sanity.  That said, he is not much different from some other 'crazy' leaders.

FREEDOM:  You worked with the late Deyda Hydara, what kind of a journalist was he?

A B S:  Deyda was the first newspaper editor I worked with.  I was introduced to him by veteran journalist Pap Saine, in the summer of 1992.  Like many other school leavers, Deyda employed me as a trainee reporter and guided me through the profession.  He was an editor you work with rather than work for.  The offices of The Point newspaper was not only a family home to journalists but also a sanctuary for poor folk working for the state-run media.  Aggressive as he was in his writings, he taught me the techniques of "being polite but persistent" when pursuing information from the tight-lipped public official.  He was a very principled writer, one that cannot be swayed by threats, intimidation or acts of bullying.  This was manifest in our encounter with the authorities following disturbances at the Mile 2 Central Prison, in March 1995.  Despite public knowledge that there was trouble at the state central prison, the authorities blatantly denied that any such thing happened.  They threatened to "ruthlessly" deal with anyone who dare publish the story.  Deyda instructed us to go ahead and uncover what actually happened, in the public's interest.  Pap Saine, Brima Ernest and myself were arrested as soon as the Thursday edition of the paper hit the stands with the damning headlines.  The authorities ordered the government printer to seize printing The Point despite the fact that the services were paid for.
Deyda made sure the paper continued to be published albeit on poor quality A-4 paper.  He stood by us right through our detention and subsequent trial.  The ruling by the indomitable Principal Magistrate Christopher Onyia that not only were our articles true but that more than what we wrote happened at the prisons got the authorities on to a wild goose chase.  They never recovered from it.  Deyda stood for all that you require in a professional journalist.  It was what he enjoyed doing and what he died doing.

FREEDOM:  It has been suggested in many quarters that the government of Yahya Jammeh may be behind Deyda's assassination.  How do you react to that?

A B S:  People have a legitimate right to hold an opinion.  Now, until and unless the killers of Deyda are apprehended and brought to justice accusing fingers shall continue to be pointed at everyone.  What is very clear is that, until his gruesome murder, Deyda was under surveillance from the notorious National Intelligence Agency ( NIA ).  He was killed a few yards from a police barracks yet it took hours for the police to get to the scene.  Throughout the so called investigations no consideration or mention has been made of the bullets retrieved from the victim's body – Crucial evidence that could nail the killers.  The authorities in The Gambia have become so jumpy at the mention of Deyda's name.  On the first anniversary of Deyda's assassination, the authorities made sure the world's press was not allowed anywhere near the already contaminated scene of the crime.  They despatched armed officers to stop delegates of the international conference in Deyda's honour  from laying a wreath at the scene.  Perhaps their only motive was to ensure journalists don't tumble on any clues.

FREEDOM:  What do you make of the NIA so called "Confidential Report" on the progress of investigations into Mr Hydara's assassination?

A B S:  I read the so called report with mixed feelings.  What it did though was to give us clues as to who might want Mr Hydara silenced.  The report demonstrates the insincerity and ineptitude of those entrusted with our nation's security.  Then again it was like assigning a thief to investigate his own crime.  The NIA must have hastily come up with that report following deafening outcry and pressure from national and international press bodies and human rights groups.  If the ploy was to lay the matter to rest by suggesting that Deyda was responsible for his own death, they couldn't have been more mistaken.

FREEDOM:  What needs to be done to bring the killers of Mr Hydara to book?

A B S:  What is left of the independent media in The Gambia is doing its best by continually highlighting the issue despite the obstacles.  A lot is also being done internationally in ensuring that no stone is left unturned in bringing the killers of Deyda to justice.  But at the end of the day, it is the responsibility of the Gambian authorities to make sure that not only is justice done but seen to be done.  President Yahya Jammeh in his interview with Ardy Fatty of GRTS on New Year's Eve blamed the killing of Deyda on those he described as enemies of The Gambia and his government.  He explained as if he knew the killers. Then he told the interviewer "those who were behind it jumped and said it was the government."  I would request and require the police to interview President Jammeh on what he knows about the matter, if we have to start again somewhere.  If not, the Gambian authorities should conclude that The Gambia Police Force is not fit for purpose and now need to invite disinterested third parties with the expertise  and resources to unmask these dangerous criminals at-large. Deyda's assassination is such a high profile crime that only a truly daft person would contemplate sweeping it under the carpet.  Its significance is reflected in the number of prestigious awards bestowed on him following his assassination.  Leonard Vincent of Reporters Without Borders and myself appeared as professional witnesses at a court in London where the Crown Prosecutor, addressing the court, compared Deyda's case to that of Princess Diana.  It was amazing.  So back to your question, a lot is being done but a lot more needs to be done – That is to keep up the campaign for justice until not only is justice done but seen to be done.

FREEDOM:  What was it like working as a journalist in The Gambia?

A B S:  Dangerous fun!  Working as a journalist in The Gambia requires selfless sacrifice – It is about love for the truth, love for one's country and her people.  It comes at a price and is not financially rewarding – If you are getting into it for the money don't bother.  If you went into it for the love of it it is an exciting but dangerous profession in The Gambia – I went into it for that dangerous fun.  It was not that bad in the first republic but it wasn't perfect either.  There was censorship by way of party affiliation and its effect on journalists has been psychological.  The "Soldiers with a Difference" ushered in the second republic which brought hope when their leader pronounced that he doesn't want any praise singing and asked to be "criticised" where he went wrong.  But in a dramatic twist, the leader pronounced that him and his people would rather die than accept the principles of democracy and human rights. So it was for me, well we've got work to do and it got to be done. .  Another problem was that public officials have a culture of being tight-lipped on everything including matters of legitimate public interest thus making the job less exciting.  Most public officials would rather wait to react after publication than give their side of a story when given the opportunity by a journalist.  Even that is when you are lucky your article wasn't much distasteful to some in authority.  If you are not lucky you will be a guest to the police or NIA.  Worst still, they may detain you in some mysterious location and claim not to know your whereabouts.  There were others in authority who for the love of their country always made sure we were privy to information that should be in the public domain.  They do so knowing the repercussions if found out.  Working as a journalist in The Gambia is more like a hide-and-seek game with those in authority.  The exciting side of it all is when you expose some injustice or contribute towards finding a remedy for some evil – The feeling of appreciation is phenomenal!

FREEDOM:  How many times have you been arrested whilst working as a journalist in The Gambia?

A B S:  About half-a-dozen times

FREEDOM:   Tell us about life in custody

A B S:  Life in custody varies from one security agency to the other.  The NIA employ tactics different from those of the police in the way they deal with people in custody.  They employ different strategies with the same aim – To break you down, except that the NIA are more extreme and do things in a more gung-ho manner.  At the police station you are kept in a cell shared by people suspected of various crimes ranging from pick-pocketing to murder.  At some police stations the cells are so small that the occupants have to take it in turns to sleep at night.  The remnant of the food the detainees had for dinner is what is kept for their breakfast at other stations.  If you are lucky to be detained at the police headquarters in Banjul, you will be allowed to receive food from your family.  But the modus operandi is the same in each case – They leave you in limbo with contempt.  They may not tell you why you are there or what the situation is.  You try asking them all they'll say "we are waiting for orders," orders that appears to be coming away from police circles.  Your guards can be very cruel towards you but you can also come across genuine officers whose intelligence dictates to them that they owe you a duty.  The NIA treat detainees in a more gung-ho manner.  They do more of the talking whilst threatening you but do less listening.  They lock you up alone in a dark cell measuring 1.5 x 1.5meters at their headquarters.  The only times they will take you out is at the middle of the night with their guns, acting like proper cowboys.  This is when they interrogate you with a view to getting a confession or try to extract information from you.

FREEDOM:  What do you know about the sale of the Daily Observer?

A B S:  At the time the Observer was purchased I was in Cairo, Egypt attending the training programme for young African Journalists.  Prior to my departure from The Gambia,  I was hinted by the Deputy Editor, Sheriff Bojang of arrangements to sell the paper.  When he mentioned Amadou Samba's name, I became concerned, and asked him if he knew what he was getting us into.  My understanding was that Keneth Best had no idea who Samba was.  However, Sheriff was convinced that "it would be for the better."  I just left it at that and thought no more of it.  I returned to The Gambia to find the deal done.

FREEDOM:  In your view, was it wise for Keneth Best to sell the paper to an associate of the president?  In fact many of the people are of the view that Samba was just a front-man that the actual owner is President Jammeh ?

A B S:  When Keneth Best was expelled from The Gambia, the majority of members of the media fraternity were rightly of the belief that it was a first step towards either crippling the paper or a take over.  It is understood that Mr Best had agreed with management and members of the editorial board that come what may, they should strife to keep the paper going.  That being the case, it was not at all a wise move.  There are people who sacrificed selflessly to get the Observer to where it was before its credibility ended up in the dustbin of history – It is so unfair.

FREEDOM:  We remember President Jammeh calling you names when the Daily Observer assigned you to cover a press briefing at the airport in the presence of President Wade of Senegal.  What actually went wrong?

A B S:  President Wade had made a stop-over at the airport on his way back to Senegal from foreign travel and it was scheduled for him to meet President Jammeh for a joint press briefing.  Of all the members of the Gambia's private media present, I was the only one allowed in.  My initial reaction was not to go in but then I thought it would be best to face the president and ask him why the hostility towards the private press.  He must have been very embarrassed since his counterpart was surrounded by representatives from almost all the media houses in Senegal be they private or state-employed journalists. 

FREEDOM:  What led to your departure from the Observer ?

A B S:  I was left with no choice.  When Amadou Samba took over the Observer, there was occasional interference with the editorial policy of the paper.  It was a choice of giving them an easy ride by walking away or stay-put and fight to maintain the integrity of the paper.  But the new owner/s would have none of it.  When I was assigned to cover the transition to democracy in Guinea Bissau and the subsequent elections, I was informed that The Gambia's consular officer in Bissau was to take care of my accommodation.  I did wonder why but then again I thought it was for my own security as the political situation was very volatile.  The Observer management also made it clear to me that they had an interest in the outcome of the elections.  All indications were that they wanted me to act as a propagander tool for the incumbent Malam Bacai Sagnia.  However, many a Gambian have only heard about General Ansumana Manneh not realising that almost all the Generals surrounding Manneh are Gambians, hailed from Jaara, Niani and the Kombos.  The people of Guinea Bissau were getting disillusioned by the fact that the administration of the affairs of their country was in the hands of foreigners.  Though the military in Guinea Bissau is very professional and disciplined and kept away from the elections, which they left the civilians to deal with, there were serious misgivings within the army dominated by the major tribe, the Balantas.  On the other side, the establishment in The Gambia was supporting the incumbent who was elevated to power by the military.  President Jammeh was bankrolling his tribesman, Malam Bacai and also provided support in the form of uniforms and equipment to the Bissau army.  The Senegalese were uncomfortable with having a Jola President in Gambia, one in Guinea Bissau and Cassamance in between.  So it was a very chaotic situation.  I was chauffeured to Bissau in a Gambian diplomatic vehicle with the Gambian Consular Officer.  On arrival I stayed at the residence built for the purposes of the consular officer and his family to reside.  The consular officer was residing at a private residence.  So I was staying with a member of staff of the consulate at the official Consular residence.  However, I disregarded every advice I was given in connection with my pattern of reporting.  I thought I owed it to the people of Guinea Bissau, who were living in abject poverty, to report the truth and their will to the outside world.  I don't think the Observer management and the establishment were very happy about this.  After about a week or so, I was moved to a bed and breakfast in the centre of town – In fact I felt more comfortable there than working from some dodgy official residence surrounded by some weired people.  Whilst in Bissau, I was called to a meeting by the Gambian community living there.  They complained about the total disregard to their plight by the Gambian representative.  I approached Mr Taal for his reaction to the allegations.  He reminded me that his office was taking care of my accommodation in Bissau.  I reminded him that the Observer was responsible for my accommodation and welfare whilst in Bissau and it was not my business to enquire as to how they meet those obligations.  I nonetheless went ahead with the publication of that story.  Then back in The Gambia, I was having a social meeting with the British High Commissioner, Toney Milson at a restaurant in Fajara, one Friday afternoon.  Amadou Samba, Observer proprietor walked in whilst I was dining with Mr Milson.  He came and greeted us then said to me in Wollof, suma raka yow sah mangla buga giss, meaning My brother I infact wanted to see you.  He asked me to get in touch but never left me with a phone number or explained the means of contact.  He sat down at the bar counter to a drink whilst we got on with our discussion.  Milson, perhaps a bit confused, asked me if it was alright that Samba met us there, I said its not a problem.  I never contacted Samba as I thought if he urgently needs to talk to me then he knows the number for the Observer.  A week or so later I had this story about Taal being "declared persona non grata" in the UK.  That story had nothing to do with my meeting with Mr Milson.  In fact I knew nothing about it at the time.  However, there was a factual error in my story in that Taal had not actually left The Gambia but the British authorities had brought to the attention  of the Gambian authorities Taal's criminal conviction as a deterent.  After publication of the story, Taal confronted me at the Observer offices trying to lecture me about journalism.  Indeed he is my long distant relation but that does not come into my work.  I was abused and called all sorts of names from family circles.  Then came this rejoinder from the Observer management, the wording of which I wasn't happy about.  As far as I was concerned, there was no need for the paper to apologise because these are the sort of errors that occur when people in public office are given the chance to clarify issues and they chose to maintain silence until after publication.  The Observer chose to publish the apology with total disregard to my views – I wasn't very happy.  Then the Managing Director Sariang Ceesay called me to his office and said "These people have asked me to get rid of you but I can't, I know you are a good journalist and I don't want to lose you."  I said "What are you going to do now?"  He suggested that I go on leave with pay.  I said its either I continue working with the Observer or render my services elsewhere.  At the time I was due for my annual leave anyway.  Nonetheless, the Managing Director terminated my services with a letter stating that it was "in the interest of both parties."

FREEDOM:  You received an award as the Best Investigative Reporter of the year 1999 from the main journalist body,  The Gambia Press Union.  Did you regret working at the time for a newspaper that has now compromised its editorial independence due to political patronage?

A B S:  I had no regrets working for the Observer.  And I had no regrets staying until I got sacked as it was my belief that it was necessary to stay on and fight to defend the independence of the paper.

FREEDOM:  What do you know about the Journalist Omar Barrow Memorial Fund?

A B S:  The Omar Barrow Fund was Observer editor, Sheriff Bojang's idea.  From my understanding, a certain percentage of the funds generated was to go to Omar's widow who was left with a baby to look after.  A certain percentage was to go to Omar's parents while the rest was to be saved in a bank account for Omar's daughter's education when she attains school age.  I was supposed to be the mediator between the fund and Omar's family.  However, from the onset, no one was willing to volunteer information as to progress of the fund. I began suspecting a lack of sincerety in the whole issue and as a matter of principle I withdrew from it.

FREEDOM:  Well we have been in contact with the late Omar Barrow's family and they are claiming that the funds collected in their murdered son's name never reached them.  Who is to blame?

A B S:  I'm not surprised by that claim.  I have been informed that Gheran Senghore had to even support Omar's child.  This is not about a blame game.  I think the right person who should come public and explain what happened to the funds collected and the status of the fund is Sheriff Bojang.  He got to know everything that happened since he was the architect and executor of the fund.

FREEDOM:  You worked with Omar Barrow at Sud FM. What type of journalist was he?

A B S:  I worked with Omar at Citizen FM radio for a couple of years prior to working with him at Sud FM.  Omar was an intelligent and easy to work with person.  He was a very dedicated writer and broadcaster.  He was very friendly and full of humour.   

FREEDOM:  What inspired you to read law?

A B S:  When I decided to go to university it was a choice of either to study journalism or read law.  Well I didn't see the need to do any more studies in journalism after all the experience I have got in the field.  With law, I thought I can contribute immensely in the fight for a free press and respect for fundamental rights and freedoms in the Gambia. I remember how one lawyer asked The Gambia Press Union to pay him a huge sum of money to represent the GPU in fighting draconian media laws enacted by the government.  I remember seeing people being sent to prisons in The Gambia not because they have committed the crime/s they are charged with but because they either cannot afford legal fees or no lawyer dares handle their case.  I thought to myself this is an area I can dedicate my time on.  I was also inspired by the independent nature of the trade – You do not necessarily have to be employed by the establishment and no one decides for you when to retire.

FREEDOM:  Which Gambian lawyer do you admire most?

A B S:  Hassan B Jallow, currently the chief prosecutor at the international tribunal in the Hague.  Don't ask me why.  It isn't to say that there are no others I admire.  Borry Touray, Lamin Mboge and Ousman Sillah I beleve are also very principled lawyers.

Posted on Saturday, February 17, 2007 (Archive on Wednesday, February 28, 2007)
Posted by PNMBAI  Contributed by PNMBAI
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